One Year Of Modi Government: Burnishing India’s image

Prime Minister Narendra Modi assumed office after an unexpected electoral victory a year ago in May 2014 and his government has been reviewed after 100 days, after six months and now it is the one-year-later tsunami. It is instructive that while many areas of his performance as the PM have been less than favourably critiqued, the bright spot is in the realm of India’s foreign policy. Even the most severe critics of the PM grudgingly concede that NaMo has brought distinctive energy and galvanised India’s external relations in a positive manner over the last year. In short, Modi has effectively burnished the Indian profile globally.

However, before proceeding to arrive at an assessment of the Modi track record, one must outline the framework of foreign policy (FP) per se. FP is not an end unto itself and is part of the larger lattice of national policy and ought to be pursued in a manner that either advances or protects the core national interest — be it economic-trade related or in the more complex arena of national security that includes the external and internal dimensions.

Thus, FP is inextricably linked to a grand national strategy and is oriented in the most appropriate manner depending on the time-space-issue matrix. To that extent there is an essential continuity in India’s FP and the broad division is that of the early years under Nehru’s stewardship; the post 1962 China experience and the Indira-Rajiv Gandhi decades; and the post Cold War turbulence that was skillfully navigated by PV Narasimha Rao and later consolidated by Vajpayee. This continuity in Indian FP was evidenced in the Manmohan Singh tenure and PM Modi has maintained this orientation and this is an essential aspect that merits recall.

The conduct of foreign policy through the medium of diplomacy is where one can assess the Modi track record and here many distinctive features can be identified. It may be recalled that the innovative Modi stamp was on display even before he formally assumed office. The Indian PM-elect, in a surprise move in May 2014, decided to invite all the SAARC leaders to his swearing-in and this was an unprecedented politico-diplomatic initiative. NaMo elicited both global interest and favourable comment and the domestic quip in a cricket frenzied nation at the time was: ‘aatey hi chakka maar diya’ (hit a sixer on his first ball).

And in a hectic pattern of bilateral summit diplomacy, PM Modi met with most major global leaders either in their capitals and at plurilateral gatherings or received them in Delhi in a rare display of high octane visibility that included well-orchestrated Indian diaspora engagements. Going beyond the bean counting of how many nations PM Modi visited in his first year, the significant outcomes may be summarised as follows.

At the global level, imbuing the relatively listless India-US relationship with political directivity and receiving President Obama as the chief guest at the Indian Republic Day Parade was significantly symbolic and some positive traction is discernible in this bilateral engagement, though the devil is still in the details. Concurrently engaging with the Beijing leadership — both in India and China over the last year — has catalysed the troubled Sino-Indian relationship and this is where the distinction between FP and summit-level diplomacy becomes more apparent. In a deft move, Modi has also energised the Delhi-Tokyo-Seoul track and brought Mongolia onto the Indian calculus.

Has Indian FP towards the US, China or Japan changed in any radical manner over the last year? The answer is no — but what has been transmuted is the manner in which the Indian PM now engages with his peers and whether it is the use of social media or exuding a certain confidence in his personal interactions to encourage foreign investment — the style is very different. 

At the regional level, Pakistan remains the intractable old chestnut and Modi’s first year is reminiscent of the Vajpayee-Manmohan Singh trajectory. However, the complexity of the South Asian regional geo-politics that includes the role of the major powers (US, Russia, China ) and the flux from Afghanistan through Iran all the way to Syria and beyond will call for prudence and caution which have been on display by the Modi government.

Concluding the land boundary agreement (LBA) with Bangladesh is another significant achievement and moving ahead with Dhaka in a swift and constructive manner is the next challenge. Will Bangladesh be the first Muslim majority country that NaMo will visit, considering that he has not been able to visit Indonesia for the Bandung commemoration or significantly interact with any leader of an Islamic State? The engagement with Nepal is another plus — from the Modi visit to Kathmandu to the earthquake relief provided by India. In similar fashion, Sri Lanka, Myanmar and the Indian Ocean island nations have figured prominently on the Modi radar and this is commendable. 

One year is a relatively brief period and the Indian PM’s calendar many not allow for engaging with all the major powers and regions of the world but the omission of West Asia and Africa needs to be redressed at the earliest.

The manner in which the Indian military has been saluted abroad is refreshing, while India's cultural and spiritual heritage ranging from religion to yoga is now leavened in the diplomatic discourse, along with an acknowledgement of the diaspora. How this soft-power can be harnessed in the larger national interest remains to be seen.

As noted at the outset, the tangible outcome of PM Modi’s distinctive style of diplomacy is still a work in progress. Will the Namo foreign yatras improve India’s security index, result in sustained foreign direct investment or give a fillip to Indian infrastructure and help realise the ‘make in India’ vision? This will depend in no small measure on PM Modi’s ability in the year ahead to motivate the change-resistant domestic ecosystem and deliver on the promises made abroad.

The notorious Indian red tape must transform into a welcoming red carpet. Can Modi deliver in year two? Watch this space.

The author is Director, Society for Policy Studies, New Delhi