Will Narendra Modi continue to be a 'victim' of Godhra taint?

Did the communal violence that rocked Gujarat in 2002 define Modi as a striking leader or is it the biggest hurdle in his succession to the big league of national politics? If the situation is looked at in perspective, it is actually ironical - whether Modi is the biggest beneficiary of it or is he a victim.

In mid-February 2002, Narendra Modi was a dedicated party worker known in political circles but little prominence as a leader within or outside Gujarat. Within three days of the attack on Sabarmati Express in Godhra on February 27 and the ensuing violence, he shot to international distinction as the proverbial Hindutva posterboy of India. In the following elections through the Monsoon of 2002, he rode the Hindutva wave with a Gaurav Yatra and a surfeit of inflammatory speeches to stride into Gujarat Assembly with a landslide majority.

In mid-February 2012, Narendra Modi is a household name, not as India's Hindutva posterbody but for a very carefully cultivated image of a development messiah. There cannot be even an oblique reference to communal violence of 2002 around him as he only conveniently dons the distinction of a Hindutva messiah now. Ironic, but with a good reason.

In 2004, the NDA lost power and blame of losing a good few seats in South and north India was placed by allies on Modi's image of anti-minority. Allies like TDP's Chandrababu Naidu deserted the BJP for good. In 2005, he was denied diplomatic visa by the U S citing the taint of 2002 riots, which continues till date despite several pleas for revision.    

Dragging riot cases biggest hurdle for Modi
In 2007, there was another snub when allies like Bihar CM Nitish Kumar of JD (U) refused to collaborate with Modi and in Bihar Assembly elections in 2010, did allow him to campaign due to the 'riot taint'.

Despite projecting state as an ace investment destination through the Vibrant Gujarat Summits, the top IT companies had earlier refused to ally with 'riot tainted' CM's promotion events.

A research paper by a premier B-school had quoted top CEOs of the country saying "extreme communal ghettoisation in the state would make it difficult for their Muslim executives to lead a quality life here". This was the reason given for not establishing their centers here despite them being offered land and infrastructure by the state government. Even to this day, highly-skilled IT sector, which has defined the urban development of cities like Hyderabad and Bangalore, remains absent in Gujarat.

Riot cases are languidly dragged through various courts in the country, but for Modi, they pose the biggest hurdle in his accession as a national leader of acceptance by all.

Irony of the situation comes to the fore again. Despite a surfeit of international publicity campaigns about his development achievements, Modi continues to fight tooth and nail the 'riot taint' with nearly four months dedicated to 'Sadbhavana Fasts' to spread 'peace and harmony' in the state.

BJP leaders are expectedly mum on the subject. Congress Working Committee (CWC) member and in-charge of certain areas of Uttar Pradesh, Madhusudan Mistry has derived over the past two years that today, BJP workers in several districts of UP do not want Modi to campaign in their constituencies. "The BJP is desperately trying to play it down, but the truth is their political allies and workers are against Modi campaigning here. The situation was similar in Kerala and other states' Assembly elections in 2011," says Mistry, who was also in-charge of Kerala last year.

Arguments continue aplenty like - 'There is no riot taint, it is not an issue for people, but for the media'; 'the courts have already ruled in his favour, he has been given a clean chit by SIT'; 'He (Modi) is a man of development, these allegations are concocted by anti-Gujarat forces' etc.

At the same time, the fact remains that Modi did not campaign in Bihar in 2010 and the BJP-JD (U) alliance rode to power; other allies have also resisted him and the divide within the BJP over support to Modi is widening each passing day; not to mention the cold shoulder US and the Europe Union continue to give him.

Today, the accepted wisdom in political circles is that by 2014, by hook or crook, NaMo will successfully maneuver his ship out of this crisis, and if he does, the adage 'All's well that ends well' would aptly apply. But till then, like lakhs of others, ironically he continues to be a victim of the communal violence of 2002.