In Ambedkar's state, Dalit parties stare at oblivion

Once a potent force in state politics which also birthed an avant-garde literature, Dalit political activism may be headed for oblivion during the assembly polls, with too many Republican Party of India (RPI) factions led by self-serving leaders around. The irony is that Maharashtra is the home state of Dalit icon Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar.

Which are the parties?
While Rajya Sabha MP Ramdas Athavale, the most popular among RPI leaders, has sided with the BJP, allegedly for a ministerial berth, his associate and littérateur Arjun Dangle has joined forces with the Shiv Sena. Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar's grandson Prakash Ambedkar, whose Bharatiya Republican Paksha-Bahujan Mahasangh is known for its successful “social engineering” in Akola, has emerged as the face of the third front, while his younger brother Anandraj’s Republican Sena is a part of the Samvidhan Morcha.

Among other sub-regional players in Dalit politics, MLC Jogendra Kawade is with the Congress, while former governor RS Gavai's son Dr Rajendra Gavai, whose faction has a presence in Amravati, is part of the Mahashakti Aghadi. The BSP is looking for its debut in the state, where its party supremo late Kanshiram began his political activism.

What is the history of RPI
While around 14% of Maharashtra's population consists of Dalits, the Buddhist Dalits (erstwhile Mahars who converted to Buddhism with Dr Ambedkar) constitute the majority and dominate the RPI factions. Most of them have aligned with the Congress and NCP. The RPI allied with the Congress since the late 1960s after its leader Dadasaheb Gaikwad entered into a truck with late Yashwantrao Chavan. Incidentally, the party had been formed as an anti-Congress movement.

Why there is a crisis 
“We (those Left of centre) are in the ICU. We will survive only if we get votes,” admitted Prakash Ambedkar. “These parties are not ready to change their dogmas... The movement will survive if it shows its strength,” said Prakash, adding that issues before its core constituency and the youth had changed from reservations and caste atrocities to development. He rued that the bickering RPI leaders had become appendages of established parties.

The crisis has been compounded further by the apathy of the Dalit educated class, which is estranged from politics and growing discord among RPI factions.

“The Dalit youth do not have enough social and political commitment,” rued Dangle, who has since split with Athavale, adding that Dalit literature, which once shook the foundations of the upper caste-dominated literary circles, had also become “too academic”. 

“The attraction towards power has increased fragmentation in the movement,” said Dangle, justifying his decision as the class character of RPI and Sena supporters was similar. 

Ironically, Athavale was part of the Dalit Panthers, which once fought street battles with the Sena.

What do experts say on the issue?
Observers point out that Buddhist Dalits, considered more aggressive than the Hindu Dalits, were being politically isolated by dominant castes as was indicated by Athavale's defeat by a Hindu Dalit in 2009.

“Ambedkarism was not developed further at the level of ideology and praxis.... so, the Dalit movement's remained directionless,” said Surendra Jondhale, professor, department of civics and politics, University of Mumbai, adding that these parties did not encompass other weaker sections like the tribals, other Dalits and the poor.