INDIA
CPI (M) Gen Secy Sitaram Yechury discusses the grand alliance, foreign policy, and politics in West Bengal with Kartikeya Sharma. He goes on to tell how conceiving a pre-poll unity of all Opposition forces at a pan-India level is neither feasible nor advisable. Excerpts:
We have to understand the nature and character of India as a country. Indian politics has always been dominated by different parties in different regions. To conceive a unity of all the Opposition forces at a pan-India level is neither feasible nor advisable. All the major fronts were formed after the elections. Whether it was VP Singh's government in 1989 or United Front in 1996 or even UPA of 2004, the parties came together after elections. The same happened even in 1977, and the question as to who would lead the government was settled post elections.
In the current situation, we would witness unity of parties on regional, basis which would be done state-wise. Case in point: Uttar Pradesh, where the SP and the BSP came together. Anti-BJP coalitions will be formed at the state-level, which will converge later at the Centre after elections.
The grand alliance is not feasible before elections. It all depends on what happens after the polls. For example, the Left has a legacy of outside support. So you will have various categories. Whether joining the government or supporting it from outside, both will take place at that point in time. Today, we need to fight communal forces, and it is essential that the current government is ousted. To this limited objective, there will be cooperation with all the political forces.
No. In West Bengal, we have a slogan: 'Oust Modi to save India and oust Mamata to save Bengal'. Both Mamata and the BJP are playing politics in tandem. Mamata also panders to minority fundamentalism. More the minority fundamentalists are pampered, more Hindu communalisation will take place. They feed on each other. The BJP and the TMC feed on each other. It is essential that both are defeated.
No, not because of the reduced electoral strength. BJP has actually replaced the Congress as the representatives of the ruling class of the country. It is for this reason pursuit of economic reforms is more aggressive under Modi than Manmohan Singh. India today has moved much closer to the United States than ever.
While we are working on our organisation, we will also have to play the role of a catalyst to bring anti-BJP forces together on a national platform. There we have a role to play.
It shows loot of public money, which is being deposited in Swiss banks. DeMo has failed. It legitmised black money. RBI says that today more cash is flowing in the economy. The net result is that we have more money in the banking system than what existed before DeMo. It has also led to increased capital outflow. It is also reflecting in sudden fall in the value of the Rupee. The main reason for the depreciation of the Rupee is capital outflow, which is being patronised by the Centre.
It has been a disaster. We alienated all of them. By trying to become a junior partner of the US, we sent signals that we want to curtail China. We are part of the SCO, where we will have a joint exercise with Pakistan. BJP has a strong position against Pakistan vis-a-vis the Kashmir issue, but they will hold a joint exercise with Pakistan by virtue of being a signatory to the SCO. There are contradictions in our foreign policy.
It is very sad. A degree of hostility is understood. But they have undermined every Parliamentary institution including Election Commission and the judiciary. I would say that even research bodies have been affected. I have never seen such a House. There is no cordiality.
No one believed in 2004 that Manmohan Singh would become the Prime Minister. No one thought about Morarji Desi or Deve Gowda. That's the thing about a parliamentary democracy.
These issues are not relevant now. These issues will become relevant post-election. Back then when asked question on Manmohan Singh, I had said that Finance Minister of Congress would behave differently as Prime Minister of the coalition government as it would follow the common minimum programme (CMP). What India requires is policies and not leaders. We need alternative policies.
Our party programme is clear: if any such possibility emerges, then the central committee will take the final call. It will also depend on what the proposition is and what the CMP is. That is why I said that our trademark has been outside support.
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